Regular readers may recall my simultaneous admiration of and disquiet
with New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo. I enthusiastically
supported his run for Governor even as I was disquieted by him before
the race actually began (he, in my estimation, improved himself
considerably as time wore on), and I didn't just support him because
he was better than Paladino (though he clearly was). Rather, I
thought I saw in him just the right, if perverse, balance of
pragmatism and idealism, and I thought I saw in him someone with his
father's mind and Bill Clinton's hands. Or, at least, the potential
for such.
Time has for the most part proven me
right. There is very little doubt that Andrew Cuomo has been an
amazing legislative governor. As an administrative governor there's
positive and negative signs (more on the negative signs later).
Finally, his approval ratings together with the glowing reviews of
his natural enemies are together proof enough that he is a master of
the politics of his day as well.
This isn't to say, however, that he's
perfect. (Really, what politician can be. Show me a perfect
politician and I'll show you a fraud or a fiction.) I've divided
some of Andrew Cuomo's most-prominent characteristics into 3
analytically useful categories: good, bad, and ugly.
THE GOOD
There's little doubt that Andrew Cuomo
is a great legislative Governor; great at getting the New York State
Legislature to do things he finds pleasing. Two on-time budgets in a
row (with no great brinksmanship dramas). Ethics reform . Gay
marriage. Property tax cap. Tier VI retirement plan. Newly
progressive tax code. This is just a partial list and, whether you
agree with all or any of them, they are notable achievements
individually, let alone taken all together. I haven't gone through
and done some kind of formal analysis of his legislative track
record. The big ticket items have themselves been enough that I
really don't need to.
Hypothesis made, hypothesis tested,
hypothesis proven. Andrew Cuomo is effective at getting his policies
enacted into law. Governor Cuomo, agree with him or not, gets the
job done.
This New
York Times article on the passage of the gay marriage bill I feel
best-displays the multi-faceted nature of Andrew Como's legislative
genius. He temporarily turns natural enemies into temporary and
limited allies, enslaves natural allies, and marginalizes or
(metaphorically) kills allies who will not be enslaved. He knows
when to back-stab, and when to preach. Note, for example, how
Governor Cuomo sealed the deal on gay marriage with a little bit of
the soaring rhetoric that his father was famous for; and note also
how this rhetoric was delivered not at a podium for a crowd, but in a
smoke-filled room, and not to an enthralled popular audience, but for
the same Senate Republicans he knows that he is, sooner or later,
going to have to (metaphorically) kill. And it worked.
Andrew Cuomo, judging
by his approval ratings also seems to have a way of communicating
that people respond to. While I can't think of how to construct an
opinion poll or a focus group that would really answer these
questions satisfactorily, I think Andrew Cuomo's communication method
benefits mightily from this little-commented on characteristic: You
can more or less believe what he says, if you listen to what he
actually says and try to not read too much into it.
The press and other actors in the
political system, ranging from the Manhattan Institute to New Jersey
Governor Chris Christie to New York State Senator Reuben Diaz, paint
Andrew Cuomo as a conservative because he is seen doing conservative
things. He is criticized by Democrats, and liberal activists such as
labor unions, for doing what the Wall Street Journal praised him for,
departing from the Democratic orthodoxy. He is then criticized by
the right for doing things the right does not approve. One excellent
example is the way
the Manhattan Institute referred to Tier VI as a missed opportunity;
it didn't go far enough for them, you see. Both sides criticized
Cuomo over the millionaires' tax, the left for letting the
millionaires' tax expire and the right for raising the normal tax
rate on high-income New Yorkers. (More on that in a little bit.)
The mistake the insiders make is to not
listen to what Governor Cuomo actually says. He has not once said he
was a conservative. Indeed, this
quote from a New York Times piece is, I suggest, extremely
telling:
Asked to describe his own beliefs during a news conference in Albany on Saturday, Mr. Cuomo was succinct. “I am a progressive Democrat who’s broke,” he said, adding: “I disagree with the concept that the only way to get better services is more money, more money, more money. “We’ve been spending a lot more money. We’re not getting better services.”
Who said Andrew Cuomo was a
conservative? Surely not Andrew Cuomo. Indeed, Cuomo also
specifically signaled that, were he President of the United States
facing fiscal problems similar to that faced by President Obama,
budget-cutting
would not be his first choice of what to do:
“They [the federal government] have a different situation than the state has. The federal government has some capacities that a state doesn’t have, primarily the capacity to print money.”
Governor Cuomo's late 2011
legislative triumph with the New York State tax code was also
subject to criticisms from both sides, with the left calling him
Governor 1% for technically letting the millionaire's tax expire and
the right calling him a traitor for allegedly going back on a promise
to let the millionaires' tax expire. Lost in the shuffle was the
fact that Cuomo never once, that I saw or read or heard, stated he
was opposed to the idea of a more-progressive tax code. He said he
was opposed to the millionaires' tax, which was a very particular
surcharge which did, in fact, expire on schedule. The following
quote from this
piece found on the Capital Tonight blog is very telling:
“They have a much different situation than the state. From the state’s point of view, you raise taxes, you put yourself at a competitive disadvantage, right? People don’t have to be in New York, people can move to Connecticut, people can move to New Jersey, they can move to Pennsylvania. We’re literally hemoraghing [sic] people from our borders right now. So the state is in a fundamentally different position than the federal government.”
There's nothing in there that appears
to suggest Andrew Cuomo was opposed to the millionaires' tax, or
more-progressive taxation generally, on anything other than pragmatic
grounds. A conservative he is not. He is a liberal who does not
wish that liberal orientation to get in the way of achieving liberal
ends.
Finally, as far as I can tell, the
more-progressive tax rates worked into the New York State tax code
now will not expire as the millionaires' tax did. I haven't reviewed
the language but no account I've read suggests that the new Cuomo tax
code will expire, though it is as I recall subject to formal review
at some point. Since when did being progressive or liberal be
defined by one's reliance on a temporary funding stream or one-shot?
Andrew Cuomo did liberalism the right way: He made a permanent
progressive change in the tax code. Feel free to call it a
millionaires' tax or not tall it that according to your whim. I have
the distinct impression that Andrew Cuomo doesn't much care what you
call it.
Andrew Cuomo is, as demonstrated,
clearly great at getting his way with the New York State Legislature,
and at projecting a consistent image to which the public responds in
a positive way. I withhold judgment on his ability to perform one of
the other major jobs of a Governor of New York, public
administration, until I have more concrete data (the Sage
Commission, for example, is still in the middle of its work, the
NY Performs effort is still
in its infancy, and there's some good signs and some bad ones about
both efforts), but early signs are (on balance) good.
For example while New York's unions may
be grumbling about the content of the deals they made with the Cuomo
administration they were in fact really quite good, especially
relative to, say, Wisconsin.
For another example, while the Sage Commission perhaps shows signs
of lack of direction and being unsure what to do, I will take that
over some of the overnight, more or less thoughtless government
“reforms” of Goerge Pataki, the needlessly hard-charging but
rudderless “steamroller” approach of Eliot Spitzer, and the
demoralizing drift of David Paterson.
THE BAD
One aspect of Governor Cuomo's
political persona that I think voters respond to well is his New York
City, Italian-American, mafioso swagger. It seems to go well with
his ability to bargain one moment, inspire the next, then slit your
throat the next. It also seems to go well with his appeal to a
well-reasoned variant on common sense.
However, that swagger does get him into
trouble on occasion. While Cuomo handled well Eliot Spitzer's
pointing out (correctly if hypocritically) that Andrew Cuomo is known
as a dirty player behind the scenes (Cuomo
issued an icy statement through a spokesman), he did not handle
it as well when State Senator
Diane Savino opposed the Tier VI retirement package. Cuomo
responded as
follows:
Subsequently asked about Sen. Diane Savino’s scolding of Megna (“While you may be confident that you could accomplish (Tier VI) talking amongst yourselves, you’re not going to get anywhere,” she told him at one point), Cuomo said the tenor of her comments suggested she was saying, “‘I don’t want to have to do it unless CSEA tells me it’s OK; I don’t want to have to do it unless PEF tells me it’s OK.”
“And then I would say back to the senator who scolded my budget director, ‘Who do you represent, the people of the state or the labor unions?’” Cuomo said. “That’s why, good thing she didn’t ask me that question.” He turned to Megna, sitting a few seats over on his right. “Did you say that? That was a good response for you yesterday.”
There was, in fact, an excellent reason
Budget Director Megna did not respond that way. It was a stupid
statement that needlessly questioned the integrity of one of the
State Senators whose integrity is the least-able to be reasonably
questioned.
At best Cuomo exaggerated. At worst he
came far too close to comfort to the political style of Carl
Paladino. Cuomo, perhaps, learned all too well from the surprising
successes conservatives enjoyed against his old boss, President Bill
Clinton, in large part through use of wildly exaggerated rhetoric.
That might work, for a long while even, but it won't work forever and
it's best when someone dumb does it. The public will, I think, buy
dumb things done by a dumb guy but not dumb things done by a smart
guy. And the Cuomo name alone ensures that no one will ever see
Andrew Cuomo as dumb.
This kind of exaggerating is unworthy
of Andrew Cuomo and I suggest strongly that he needs to cut it out.
It has already led, I suggest, to a needlessly heavy handling of
government employees, for example during the contract negotiations.
Cuomo's mafiaoso swagger has lead to
other self-defeating actions and statements. See this
piece from Crain's
New York for some examples. Here's a few telling quotes from
that piece.
“He is so unbelievably involved in almost everything,” said an Albany insider of Mr. Cuomo. “On one level, it's very impressive because he's a machine in the way he works. But it's also completely paralyzing and debilitating because [agencies] can't go to the bathroom without him giving the go-ahead.”
Excessive micro-managing is a bad
enough tactic when attempting to run a bureaucracy as big and complex
as New York State's. If Andrew Cuomo has his sights set higher, he
may well discover that it's an even worse tactic in Washington than
it is in Albany.
Also, the following was said by a
now-former counsel of Governor Cuomo's:
“I don't care if you've done stupid for 20 years. We don't do stupid.”
That quote occurred in the context of a
long-standing Labor Department interpretation of the law that the
Cuomo Administration felt was out of step with the “New York is
open for business slogan. I don't know about you, but, based on this
piece, the earlier take on the law doesn't sound “stupid” to me.
It sounds like a clash between reasonable interpretations of the law.
Andrew Cuomo's potential micro-managing of the agencies potentially
ruins his status as a competent public manager. Given that during
the campaign he staked his reputation in-part on his achievements at
the US Department of Housing and Urban Development, note the
prominent role played by Cuomo's role at
HUD on Cuomo's campaign Internet site it is a potential major
issue for Cuomo to be a bad public manager in a way it might not have
otherwise been.
As I hope is obvious from the above
examples, the kinds of exaggerations that Andrew Cuomo seems prone
are problematic in and of themselves but lead to other problems, such
as an excessively heavy-handed management style. Perhaps Andrew
Cuomo should take a lesson from himself and learn to deal with his
own bureaucracy as he has with the Legislature? Which is to say with
the knowledge a predecessor of his lacked that steamrollers tend to
get stuck?
On a related note, Andrew Cuomo also
seems to have bizarrely learned from Republicans that the private
sector is inherently better than the public sector. This concerns me
because the prejudice, and that's really what it is, is both untrue
and uniquely resistant to evidence. The head of Cuomo's SAGE
Commission, for example, is Antonio M. Perez, the current head of
Eastman-Kodak, who in addition to his Sage duties is also in the
middle of a major effort to reform and reorganize Eastman-Kodak.
One problem, though. I looked through
business-related Internet sites and journals to see if I could find
some indication that Mr. Perez is well-regarded and that his efforts
are commonly considered likely to succeed. I found very few. If his
job is to bring to New York State's bureaucracy what he brought to
Eastman-Kodak, then I am afraid that this is a sign Andrew Cuomo has
fallen prey to one of the private sector's worst fallacies: The
belief that if something is said short and loud, that something must
be true. The public sector, fighting for much more than just
monetary value to the shareholders, cannot afford to hold to this
mentality. New York deserves better, deserves real and thoughtful
and deliberative government reforms, and Andrew Cuomo certainly seems
capable of delivering that. But if he persists in modeling himself
after the private sector, how long, I wonder, until New York State
resembles Wall Street during the waning days of the Bush Presidency?
Some of these issues were touched on by
Elizabeth Benjamin, in
this piece, wherein Cuomo addressed some of the comparisons
between himself and Governor Al Smith and the famous “power
broker,” Robert Moses. This excerpt from Cuomo's remarks,
apparently in response to a question asked by Benjamin, is
potentially telling:
“The point of Al Smith and his ability to manage the government just on this point I thought was profound, especially coming in the door because in many ways that’s enemy number one. The misamangement the atrophy of state government that has been years in the making…that’s what Al Smith was all about.…People trusted Al Smith. They trusted the government’s capacity and integrity. There are ways for government to get things done without using a ramrod, obviously. Your characterization that Mr. Moses used a ramrod — other people would disagree with that characterization, but it was yours. But the consultation and the process shouldn’t be paralyzing. You know, government needs to work, society needs to be able to replace a bridge.”
What I see in this quote, ironically,
leads right into “the ugly.”
THE UGLY
One of the better college-level
introduction to US politics textbooks is The Democratic Debate,
by Bruce Miroff, Todd Swanstrom, and Raymond Seidelman. In it, these
authors downplay the traditional liberal/conservative divide and
recast American political conflicts as being between different
visions of democracy. “Popular democracy” stresses political
participation by the masses, both an involved and informed electorate
during the electoral process and an involved and informed consumer of
services during the policy-making and governing processes. “Elite
democracy” stresses the role of leaders. Under elite democracy,
the people elect leaders to lead, then the people step out of the
way. If the people do not like what those leaders do, the people
will vote those leaders out next election cycle.
The authors of the
textbook have an admitted bias toward popular democracy, but I for
one do not. I think there's an excellent case to be made for elite
democracy. After all, who wants to be involved in the gut-wrenching,
soul-staining decisions that are part of day to day life in politics
and government. Which fire houses will close. Which government
employees will be laid off, and thus deprived of their livelihoods.
Which interrogation tactics constitute torture, and which don't. The
whole idea of electing leaders to do the people's work is that some
of the people's work is both complex and nasty and ordinary people
shouldn't have to do it.
Governor Cuomo is
often accused of not maintaining an open enough government. His
responses, delivered himself and through such illustrious surrogates
as Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, often draw from notions of elite
democracy. The following example, spoken by Sheldon Silver as
reported by
Elizabeth Benjamin here is, I think, very telling. Responding to
allegations that the debate over the new tax code was not open
enough, Silver stated:
“I think there has been open debate for a year and a half now on what we put forth in a millionaire’s tax. There have been no secrets about it. We have taken a strong position. The public has weighed in. Labor has weighed in. Editorial boards have weighed in. There has been as much public debate about our tax codes as there have ever been. I think what the great thing is about this is, unlike our colleagues in Washington, we came together with diverging views from different parties or the same party, we have to put New Yorkers back to work.”
In other words: The
voices were heard and considered. When it came time for the actual
decision to be made, the time for participation had passed and the
time for leadership had begun. Debate over the particular measure to
be considered isn't as important as is on the underlying issues. Though this quote wasn't from Cuomo or one of his direct employees, it was from a prominent supporter of his and is along lines similar to those I've heard from Cuomo and his direct employees, and thus using the quote seemed fair.
Now I am, as
stated, a genuine believer in elite democracy, so what's so ugly
about this? What's so ugly to me about a fellow believer in elite
democracy ascending to the Governorship of New York State? On one
level this is elite democracy at its finest.
Well there's two
answers to that question. The first is that, sometimes, a lack of
openness can lead to an appearance of impropriety at minimum, actual
impropriety at worst. Sunlight may not always be a great
disinfectant, but the lack of it sure doesn't help, especially when
it comes to those all-important perceptions. Note, for example, this
editorial piece from the New York Times. Whether the
Times is right in its implications about the Committee to Save
New York and gaming/gambling interests is, for present purposes, less relevant than the fact
that the Cuomo Administration has, through its lack of openness,
walked into a trap.
The second answer
is more complex. I feel that even an elite democracy should at least
value openness, even if it doesn't always practice it. What I
am afraid I feel from Andrew Cuomo when openness questions are asked
is that he doesn't particularly value openness. And there is to my
mind a difference between a Governor who values openness but is not
afraid to not practice it, versus a Governor who does not value
openness. Even in an elite-led democracy, I want those elites to
value openness.
There's still time
for Governor Cuomo to win me over on this issue I suppose. Despite
myself he's won me over on many others.
But until that day,
until he either changes his ways or convinces me that I was incorrect
all along, I feel safe in labeling this strange characteristic of
Andrew Cuomo's “ugly.”
CONCLUSIONS
So where does this all lead? What does it all ad up to other than making a movie analogy?
The truth is that I don't know. A lot depends on what happens next.
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